President Trump launched an unprovoked bombing attack on Iran this past weekend in violation of the U.S. constitution, which requires acts of war to be authorized by Congress unless there is a threat of imminent attack, which nobody has even pretended was the case. This is not only a further undermining of democracy in our country, it also is built on a set of lies for political and financial gain, just like the disastrous Iraq war 23 years ago, and will only serve to make the world, and the people of the U.S., both less safe and less economically secure.

The president ran for office pledging that he was the right person to keep the U.S. out of further military entanglements overseas, and there is strong support by the American people for that position. But faced with declining poll numbers, a trap laid by the Israeli government, and a willingness to pad the profits of both oil companies and the military industrial complex, Trump fell into the same pattern as president after president of both parties: start a shooting war and hope that the populace falls in behind you.

As rank-and-file delegates to the 78th UE Convention in 2023 declared, “The U.S. military budget — at over $877 billion, larger than those of the next ten nations combined — continues to soar out of control with bipartisan support. Threats or use of military force are still a regular feature of U.S. foreign policy, under presidents of both major parties. All of this is done at the expense of the needs of working people in the U.S. and throughout the world.” The only thing that has changed since that statement is that the upcoming military budget is expected to top $1 trillion for the first time.

The lie that was used to justify the mobilization of the U.S. military is that Iran was within weeks or months of building a nuclear weapon. That line has been trotted out by Israeli leader Benjamin Netanyahu repeatedly over the last 20 years, every time that he wants to justify dragging the U.S. into conflict there. Yet even the U.S. intelligence forces said that Iran was not working on constructing a nuclear weapon, and we had a deal a decade ago ensuring that they could not build one. But the first Trump administration tore up that deal in subservience to the Netanyahu government and in order to parade as tough on the world stage. 

Trump had actually returned to the bargaining table with Iran in recent weeks and announced that a new deal was very close. It was at that moment that Israel started bombing Iran – arguably not because Iran wouldn’t negotiate but instead because it looked like a deal would be achieved. It is an open secret that Netanyahu is trying to maintain a constant state of war for his country so that his current stint in office, extended indefinitely due to the war footing, doesn’t end and with it his protection from likely jail time on a massive corruption case. He has already pulverized Gaza back to the stone ages, bombed Lebanon into submission, and occupied parts of Syria – he’s happy to have a new target, especially one that drags the U.S. into the conflict. So once the Israeli bombing campaign was well underway, he announced that only the U.S. could finish the job, with our more-powerful ordinance. Trump had a choice to make, tell Israel to cease and desist, especially given that Israel relies heavily on U.S. financing and arms, or throw the U.S. into yet another intractable conflict in the Mideast putting our people into harm’s way for someone else’s fight, a fight with no shining knights on any side. Trump made the wrong choice.

And what does this leave us with? Iran, to save face at home and abroad, felt no choice but to retaliate. While it may be contained at this point, we will all live on a knife’s edge as we see whether we end up with either open or covert warfare spinning out of control. Forty thousand U.S. troops on the ground in the Mideast are put at risk. If we and the Israelis have been actually bombing sites loaded with nuclear material, we have risked dispersing it into the atmosphere, potentially poisoning people throughout the planet, as occurred during open air nuclear testing in the 1950’s. And the message we are sending to countries is not to avoid building nuclear weapons, but instead to do it quickly since it is only nuclear-armed nations that seem to be safe from possible U.S. attack.

We also face the likelihood of increased gas prices as the conflict potentially chokes off a sizable chunk of the world oil supply. Trump’s friends in the oil industry will laugh all the way to the bank as they benefit from the higher gas prices just as his military contractor friends will benefit from the demand for more weapons and ammunition.

To top it all off, Trump is now openly floating the idea of supporting regime change in Iran, the exact policy he correctly attacked previous administrations for getting embroiled in next door in Iraq, and one certain to be just as much a quagmire, if not more so, than that one, which cost the U.S. the lives of over 4000 service people and several trillion dollars in taxpayer money. And opening up the subject just hardens the position of Iran’s leaders, figuring that their days are numbered unless they fight and win.

Lastly, the lack of political leadership from both parties is shameful. Only a small number of Democrats and very few Republicans spoke out against U.S. intervention in the run up to the bombing campaign, preferring to acquiesce to the Israeli and military industry lobbying machines. And there is nowhere near the majority needed in Congress to seize control of war-making out of the hands of the presidency and back into the control of Congress where it belongs. The founders of the U.S. knew well that going to war is too important a decision to leave in the hands of one person. It must require the consent of the 535 members of Congress, each one of whom has to go home to their constituencies and tell them why they are sending their sons and daughters into harm’s way.

No more war in the Mideast. Congress must act.

Carl Rosen
General President

Andrew Dinkelaker
Secretary-Treasurer

Mark Meinster
Director of Organization

The post UE: No More Mideast Wars appeared first on Labor Today.

President Trump signaled his hostility to workers’ rights within his first weeks of office, taking the unprecedented step of firing a sitting member of the National Labor Relations Board, Gwynne Wilcox. This left the board without a quorum, and therefore unable to issue decisions. The UE NEWS pointed out at the time that this means that “Employers who break the law, or who simply refuse to bargain with their unions, will now be able to appeal any decisions against them to a board that cannot make a ruling.” (Wilcox sued, arguing that under long-established legal precedent, the President does not have the authority to remove employees at independent agencies like the NLRB. While two lower courts ruled in her favor, her case is currently at the Supreme Court, where the Trump-appointed anti-worker majority is likely to rule against her.)

This was just a taste of things to come. In March, Trump issued an executive order which effectively shut down the Federal Mediation and Conciliation Service, and later that month began issuing executive orders which seek to cancel collective bargaining agreements covering over one million federal workers. Although justified with reference to “national security,” the executive orders target workers across the federal government, in agencies as disparate as Veterans Affairs, the Treasury and Energy Departments, the Environmental Protection Agency, and the Department of Health and Human Services.

The executive orders seek to not only overturn existing union contracts, but strip workers’ right to be represented by a union at all. They also instruct government agencies to stop deducting union dues from members’ paychecks. Since Trump was inaugurated, the largest federal government workers’ union, the American Federation of Government Employees, had seen its membership surge by tens of thousands of members — but was then decimated by the repeal of payroll deduction, much as anti-union legislation passed in Iowa in 2017 led to a severe loss of membership for UE’s public-sector locals there.

On April 3, an anti-union trade association asked Attorney General Pam Bondi to “invalidate fifteen NLRB cases that were decided during the Biden administration.” As analyst Matt Bruenig wrote at NLRB Edge:

This sort of thing has never happened before. The NLRB is an independent agency and the AG has no statutory role in how it operates. Such a move by the AG would be illegal under prevailing understandings of administrative law, but of course Trump and the conservative legal movement are seeking to have the Supreme Court invalidate a large swath of administrative law on the theory that it unconstitutionally restricts the power of the president.

An even more disturbing and bizarre attack on the ability of the NLRB to protect workers’ rights was revealed in mid-April when a whistleblower from the NLRB’s information technology department revealed to Congress and NPR that operatives from the so-called “Department of Government Efficiency” (DOGE), likely removed around 10 gigabytes of sensitive information from the Board’s case management system.

In addition to obvious concerns about the breach of privacy (NLRB case data includes sensitive personal information such as Social Security numbers and home addresses, as well as proprietary corporate information), if employers got ahold of this data, it would make it easier for them to fire — and blacklist — active union members.

Of particular concern is that DOGE was at the time headed by billionaire Elon Musk, whose company SpaceX has been the subject of NLRB complaints filed by its workers, and who has shown himself to be rabidly anti-union.

Wreaking Havoc on the Federal Government

Beyond stealing sensitive data from the NLRB, DOGE has been wreaking havoc on the federal government’s ability to serve the American people. Through a combination of DOGE activities and executive orders, Musk and Trump have cut or threatened to cut federal funding to services and programs from healthcare and education to scientific research and environmental protection. They have also carried out mass firings of federal workers who do everything from administering Social Security to taking care of veterans, and have announced plans to privatize the postal service.

While some of these cuts and firings have been stopped, at least temporarily, by the courts, they have created widespread uncertainty, including among tens of thousands of UE members who depend on federal funding for their jobs in higher education, scientific research, and social services. Cuts to federal agencies and federally-funded programs hit the working class with a one-two punch: direct job loss as workers are laid off, and loss of the services that working people — and especially the unemployed — depend on.

While DOGE’s activities have created widespread chaos, they have done little to achieve their stated aim of cutting government spending. Musk claimed he would cut $1 trillion; according to a study by PolitiFact, DOGE’s “wall of receipts” amounted to savings of only $8.6 billion — less than one percent of its stated goals. And federal spending continues to rise, with total federal spending amounting to $594 billion in April 2025 — $27 billion more than the same time last year, according to the Congressional Budget Office.

In late May, the House of Representatives passed a budget reconciliation bill by one vote. The “big, beautiful bill,” as Trump has styled it, makes clear what Trump’s and the Republicans’ priorities are — cutting services to the American people in order to pay for tax cuts for themselves and their rich friends. Alongside cuts to Medicaid, education, and other services, the bill also includes massive increases to the military budget, to Immigration and Customs Enforcement, and to military aid to Israel, to assist with their brutal assault on the Palestinian people.

Attacks on Free Speech and Due Process

Trump, Musk and the Republicans realize that their program of taking from the working class to give to the rich and the military is unpopular with the American people, and so they are also launching attacks on the right to protest and organize.

The Trump administration has been detaining and deporting immigrants who are in the country legally without a shred of due process. The right to due process, which is guaranteed to all persons by the 14th Amendment of the U.S. Constitution, is like the right to just cause in union contracts. It means that the government cannot “deprive any person of life, liberty, or property” without providing evidence and a fair hearing.

The administration is especially targeting international students and workers who have questioned U.S. support for Israel. (See the statement from the UE officers, “Attacks on Campus Protest a Grave Threat to Civil Liberties and Worker Rights.”) On March 25, six masked officers abducted Rümeysa Öztürk, a graduate student, university worker and union member, off the streets near her home in Massachusetts. The only justification offered for her imprisonment — which lasted until a federal judge freed her in May — was the fact that she signed an op-ed in the local newspaper.

Perhaps even more frightening, the administration has deported over 200 Venezuelans to a brutal prison in El Salvador which can only be described as a concentration camp. One of those imprisoned there — until he was returned to the U.S. in early June — was Kilmar Armando Abrego Garcia, a member of the Sheet Metal, Air, Rail and Transportation Workers union. While the administration has claimed that Abrego Garcia and other deportees are members of a violent Venezuelan gang, they have produced no real evidence to back up their claims.

Efforts to deport critics of the government, and union organizers, are not new. In the 1950s, the federal government tried to deport UE’s founding Director of Organization, James Matles, an effort that was only stopped by the Supreme Court, after agitation and mobilization by UE members and allies.

UE Locals Fight Back

UE locals have fought back. Beginning in February, UE’s higher education locals joined rallies and other actions demanding that Congress reverse the DOGE cuts to funding for scientific research. Speaking at a national press conference in Washington, DC organized by Labor for Higher Education on February 25, UE General President Carl Rosen said, “Cuts to research funding are a direct theft from working people for the benefit of the billionaires who are now running the federal government.

“It’s a theft from working people because thousands and thousands will lose their jobs. But it is also stealing a better future from all working people. A future where the research of today results in health care breakthroughs that can cure the illnesses that so many Americans are afflicted with. A future where the research of today can fix the poisoned environment that so many of us are forced to live in. A future where the research of today can help address mental health issues, drug abuse, and other problems that end lives too early in this country.”

UE locals have also joined actions denouncing the administration’s attacks on immigrants and demanding that their employers take action to protect workers. When Öztürk was abducted in March, Local 256 (MIT-GSU) mobilized their members to join an emergency rally denouncing the abduction and demanding her freedom. Later that month, after a member of Local 1105 (GLU-UMN) was detained, delegates to the Western Region council meeting held an emergency rally at the federal building in Minneapolis, and on March 31 Local 1105 co-organized a rally with AFSCME Local 3800 “to speak out against the university administration’s inaction in the face of a broad range of threats from the federal government against workers, students, and faculty.” 

In mid-April, UE’s new Graduate Worker Conference Board issued a statement urging colleges and universities to form a “Mutual Academic Defense Compact” to respond to the Trump administration’s ongoing attacks on higher education. The locals also urged higher education institutions to establish a common fund to support international workers, who are particularly vulnerable to attacks by the Trump administration.

UE locals and members have also joined national days of action, including rallies against the dismantling of the postal service in March, “Hands Off!” rallies against cuts to federal services on April 5, and May Day mobilizations. Meeting at the end of May, UE’s General Executive Board endorsed the “No Kings” mobilizations scheduled for June 14, and as the UE NEWS goes to press, UE members and locals were making plans to join the more than 1,400 events planned across the country.

The post UE Locals Resist Trump Administration Attacks on Union Rights, Higher Ed, and Freedom of Speech appeared first on Labor Today.

The Trump administration’s decision to mobilize and deploy 4,000 members of the National Guard and 700 Marines to Los Angeles is disturbing and absolutely unjustified. It is an attempt to stifle dissent through military force — something which has no place in a democracy — and a signal that if we wish to preserve our democratic freedoms, working people will have to be prepared to defend them through action in the streets, in our workplaces, and at the ballot box. Furthermore, it is clear that the administration is seeking to create physical conflict during immigration raids in order to justify a military response.

Protests against raids by Immigrations and Customs Enforcement (ICE), including the mass protests in Los Angeles over the past several days, have been overwhelmingly peaceful, especially considering the deliberatively provocative behavior of ICE agents. At a protest in Chicago last week, according to an eyewitness, “When [federal law enforcement] came on the scene, they gave no orders. They didn’t ask anybody to disperse. They didn’t give any instructions. They just immediately began using their batons to push.”

According to the lawsuit filed by the State of California against Trump and Defense Secretary Pete Hesgeth, ICE agents in Los Angeles “engaged in military-style operations” which included “sealing off entire streets around targeted buildings and using unmarked armored vehicles equipped with paramilitary gear.” The Los Angeles Police Department was also deliberately provocative, showing up to the peaceful protests in riot gear and paramilitary equipment, shooting journalists with rubber bullets, and arresting David Huerta, the president of SEIU California.

The recent ICE raids in Los Angeles, Chicago and elsewhere have targeted workplaces, reinforcing the reality that although Trump tries to portray all immigrants as criminals and terrorists, the overwhelming majority are workers. As our union and the rest of the labor movement have learned over the past half-century, the real purpose of immigration enforcement is to maintain a permanent underclass of workers afraid to stand up for their rights — which drags down wages and working conditions for all workers.

Deliberately provoking violence and then using the response to justify massive military crackdowns on civilian protest is one of the ways that democracies slide into authoritarianism. We know from the experience of other countries where the working class has defeated authoritarian governments that the labor movement, with our power to stop work, has an important role to play alongside mass mobilizations in the streets. If we prize our liberties and wish to maintain our rights, the labor movement and working people more broadly must denounce the unconscionable use of the U.S. military against our own people and prepare to engage in widespread nonviolent resistance if it continues.

Carl Rosen
General President

Andrew Dinkelaker
Secretary-Treasurer

Mark Meinster
Director of Organization

By UE Officers | Photo Courtesy of ueunion.org | UE News Reuse Policy

The post UE: Military Response to Immigration Protests a Step Towards Authoritarianism appeared first on Labor Today.

BOLLINGBROOK, IL—On April 25, Local 1123 members ratified a new three-year agreement with their employer, National Consolidation Services (NCS). NCS is a third-party logistics company outside of Chicago that operates an inbound cross dock supplying Walgreens distribution centers across the country.

NCS demanded major concessions, attempted to gut just cause provisions and claw back holidays, and stuck to their proposal of implementing an arbitrary merit pay system until the very last day of bargaining.

Local 1123 Treasurer and bargaining team member Dave Bulwan said, “Our members took full advantage of the labor shortage three years ago when we took a strike vote which led to major improvements in wages, paid leave, improvements in the attendance system, and contract language in 2022. This round of bargaining management increased security and hired scabs from local temp agencies to intimidate members into taking concessions and giving back everything we won in the last contract. Well it didn’t work.”  

Over the course of two months, Local 1123 members stickered up with a “Will strike if provoked” message, voted to authorize their committee to call a strike vote, held rallies in the parking lot during bargaining, and signed a public strike pledge committing to walk and shut down NCS, and by extension Walgreen’s distribution system, if management refused to move off their demands for concessions.

“Every one of our members signed a public strike pledge that we presented to management, and it was that strength, that solidarity that made management sober up and drop their demands to gut seniority, just cause protections, and back off of random drug testing and arbitrary ‘merit’ pay system. ” said Local 1123 President Charles King.

Members ultimately ratified a contract that includes a $0.63 across the board raise in the first year and a wage repopener in 2026 which includes the right to strike over wages. The membership secured a drug testing policy that includes just cause protections, the right to speak to a steward before going to the testing clinic, reasonable cause before management can require drug tests, and marajuana testing levels that protect members who may use legal recreational marajuana outside of work.

At the outset of bargaining the local demanded and won the onboarding and direct hire of temporary workers who were included in the contract campaign. “Don’t let management tell you who you can organize,” said Bulwan. “After we bargained two of the temporary workers into the union, management went out and hired another temp agency and had scabs in the parking lot ready to walk in and take our jobs. We took a caucus and went out and talked to them and told them what was up, they left, and not long after we secured our new contract.”

Members maintained the right to strike mid-contract and secured raises that have kept pace with inflation over the past ten years. President King described it this way: “We made major gains in the last contract and our goal this round was to maintain those gains. We accomplished that, but with a fight. Bargaining conditions since Trump took office have shifted dramatically, companies feel emboldened to demand take-aways and our solidarity is the only thing stopping them. If you are bargaining a contract this year, get strike ready because they are coming for us, but if we stick together we can still beat them on the shop floor where our power is.”

The Local 1123 bargaining committee consisted of President Charles King and Treasurer Dave Bulwan. They were assisted by International Representative Sean Fulkerson.

The post UE Local 1123 Fights Back Attacks On Just Cause, Wages and Seniority appeared first on Labor Today.

The UE NEWS asked retired UE Political Action Director Chris Townsend to write a summary of how UE’s membership base has changed over the years. Brother Townsend joined the UE staff in the late 1980s, when the membership was primarily (though not exclusively) manufacturing workers, and retired in 2013, after the union’s membership had expanded to include significant numbers of public-sector, higher education, federal contract and rail crew workers, and supplemented his own experience with detailed research from UE convention proceedings and interviews with participants.

The ongoing organizational renewal and substantial growth of the United Electrical Workers (UE) is one of the most distinctly remarkable stories in the U.S. labor movement in decades. Few other unions have suffered such losses from state repression, raiding attacks by opportunist unions, and the catastrophic effects of corporate job relocation — and survived. Of the original 42 unions who comprised the founding roster of the Congress of Industrial Unions (CIO) in 1938, a grand total of eight survive intact today. UE is one of them. The remainder have passed out of existence, been destroyed by repression and employer attacks, or been merged into larger unions and lost forever.

Born in the electrical, radio, machine tool, and related manufacturing industries, UE membership for the first four decades remained nearly completely within those industries. The constant emphasis on the need to organize the unorganized did lead to many thousands of non-manufacturing members being brought into the union, but virtually all were clerical or technical workers already working side by side with UE’s members for the same employer. Occasional small groups of non-manufacturing workers would find their way to UE and try to join. They were dutifully encouraged to unionize but directed to another union, whichever union that might already represent that sort of worker elsewhere. Union “jurisdictions” were a serious business then, with most unions dutifully staying in their own lane so far as the types of workers they organized. With UE’s organizing base in several specific manufacturing sectors, it was almost unimaginable that unrelated types of workers would somehow make a home in a union dominated totally by factory workers.

Along Comes Antioch College

By the mid-1960’s, during the beginnings of the student organizing upsurges across the country in support of the civil rights movement and in opposition to the burgeoning Vietnam war, Antioch College student Larry Rubin contacted UE asking the union to organize the service and maintenance workers at the Yellow Springs, Ohio, campus. Rubin and other students had already told the workers about UE’s record at the bargaining table, its democratic processes, and its rank-and-file character. The reflexive impulse of the union was to refer them to another union, a union better suited for their type of work. But Rubin, the students, and the workers involved all made the case over and over that UE was the union they wanted to belong to.

UE organizer Mel Womack, one of the early African-American staff members, finally went to bat for bringing the Antioch workers into UE, taking Rubin’s plea all the way to the UE officers in New York City. “I knew about UE from my family in Philadelphia, and this was the right union for these workers. But we had to convince them that it would be a good fit,” commented Rubin.

Making the decision a bit easier for the union was the fact that virtually the entire union membership in Ohio had been destroyed or lost during the preceding 15 years of raids and plant closings. As the union organized new factories and reclaimed some lost shops in the heavily industrialized state, the Antioch College workforce offered a chance to rebuild a solid foundation for new manufacturing organizing. A 1965 strike for union recognition was quickly won by the college workers and students, and their official entry into UE allowed for the reconstitution of UE District Seven shortly after.

For the past 60 years the Antioch members have played a consistent and positive role in the life of the union that had nearly turned them away. But the members of UE Local 767 today comprise just a handful because of the closing of most Antioch operations in 2008 — a victim of epic mismanagement. The Antioch College story transcends the entire era from when UE began to seriously consider new non-manufacturing workers for membership, and it also teaches the lesson that in an economy driven completely by profits and “efficiency,” even a workplace such as Antioch is not immune to layoffs or closing. 

Tough Decisions

By the 1970’s, UE began to experience wave after wave of layoffs and plant closings as manufacturing bosses began their exodus from the U.S. for low-wage zones across the globe. Retired UE Director of Organization Ed Bruno commented that, “All through the 70’s and into the 1980’s we suffered major losses as plants closed. Formerly big plants were whittled down to just a few hundred members or even less. It was hard to imagine. By the time Reagan was elected President the floodgates opened. We had tried to organize runaway plants in the South, with only limited success. And those plants were not immune to closing either, as we discovered with the loss of the Tampa Westinghouse and Charleston General Electric plants we had organized. No plant was safe anymore.”

As the 1980’s ground on, the union experimented with a number of strategies to organize again and regain lost membership. “By 1987 and ’88 we were forced to rethink our relationship as a union to the manufacturing sector. We looked at trying to organize semiconductors, medical equipment, service shops and other industries still largely based here in the U.S. And we decided to take a look at the plastics industry.” said Bruno. “We went all-in.”

The Plastics Organizing Effort

The plastics industry presented a formidable target for UE organizing. It was decentralized and largely unorganized. Profits were high, and wages were low. Early probing into the 600,000-worker sector yielded above-average interest in unionizing by many workers, but employer resistance was fierce. Sensing the need to move quickly under the deteriorating conditions, UE devised the “Plastic Worker Organizing Committee” (PWOC) plan of action, where several hundred plants would be approached by the union simultaneously. All with the hope of triggering a contagious wave of new organizing spirit among the workers in the industry as was the model of legendary U.S. organizer William Z. Foster in his approach to organizing meatpacking and steel industries early in the 1900’s.

Early PWOC results were encouraging, as large numbers of workers responded to UE’s outreach and call for organization, better wages, better benefits and working conditions. Plastic product and component manufacturing plants were leafleted widely and workers were contacted in several hundred plants. PWOC groups were started across a dozen states and the union launched a full mobilization with hundreds of union staff, local leaders, members, and UE supporters deployed. But almost immediately employers responded to the organizing push with fanatic and illegal repression.

Workers were fired, threatened, and terrorized from coast to coast. Union-busting meetings were held in union targeted shops, and so pathological was boss resistance that plastics employers not even encountering UE yet forced their workers to attend anti-union meetings. In UE’s historic base city of Erie, Pennsylvania, then and now the home of many thousands of UE members and retirees from several locals, the plastics employers held meetings to coordinate their plan to repulse the organizing effort by all means legal and illegal. Gigantic billboards were put up across the city decrying UE’s organizing effort, all to induce fear and panic among the several thousand workers in the Erie PWOC area.

Crushed

Only a handful of plastics shops were organized by the end of the nearly two-year effort. One, Reid Valve in Leetsdale, Pennsylvania, was organized only as a result of the massive lawbreaking by the company during the organizing drive. Current UE International Representative John Thompson, then a shop leader, led the drive in the plant where the employer engaged in illegal firings and conduct so severe that the NLRB ordered recognition for the union without an election as the remedy for the outrageous company lawbreaking. The exceedingly rare “bargaining order” granted to UE by the labor board for the Reid workers may well have been the only such order granted that year to a labor union trying to organize.

Organizing progress across the entire union had nearly come to a halt as the union-busting cloud descended on workplaces across all sectors. Between the late 1980’s and 1992, the union was able to win elections and organizing drives totaling barely several hundred workers per year. This crisis was mirrored across the entire labor movement, as mass layoffs, partial closings, and complete plant shutdowns accelerated. The inability to crack into the plastics industry in spite of the herculean effort by the entire union was sobering. Was there a future for UE? Or any union? Was there a way forward? Could the union even hang on, let alone revive?

New Course Needed

The question of widely diversifying the industrial sectors being organized by UE remained a larger option, and by the early 1990’s a small trickle of such shops had already been won. Experimentation with organizing non-manufacturing workplaces and affiliating existing independent unions took form, but were small in scale as most efforts remained focused on factory organizing. Bus operators in Greenfield, Massachusetts joined city and school district workers already part of UE. Movie theatre and radio station staff had organized into UE in Boston. Construction workers in Sacramento, California signed up. A temporary employment agency was organized in Sioux Falls, South Dakota. Radio station staff were won in Los Angeles, California. Bank safe installers and alarm technicians were organized in Philadelphia. A newspaper staff unit had been organized in Vermont. And there were others, mostly small shops. Recruiting union members in already-organized open shops also brought in some needed new blood as the union implemented a renewed push in this regard as well.

Early Forward Momentum

With the election of Bob Kingsley as the new Director of Organization in late 1992, it was apparent that UE was in immediate need of expanded experimentation with the organization of new sectors. “We didn’t want to give up on organizing manufacturing workers, but we had to do something to bring in new members to offset the losses,” said Kingsley. “Our factory members stepped-up and saw the need too. Over and over and over again we relied on them to take the UE message to workers far away from the factory floor.” Magnifying the earlier work of Ed Bruno, Kingsley launched a major outreach to independent unions across the country. Results were significant, and in 1993 alone more new workers were organized either by affiliation votes or NLRB elections than in the previous decade. Public sector workers, truck drivers and mechanics, port workers, warehouse workers, and food service workers joined, boosting the numbers of non-manufacturing members in UE dramatically. Factory workers continued to be organized as well, a welcomed uptick after years of decline.

Iowa

The campaign to win the affiliation of the large Iowa United Professionals (IUP) independent union was key to opening the door to additional units not traditional for the union. This large statewide unit of state professional workers had voted in a leadership vote to join UE in 1989, only to be counseled to return home and develop actual rank-and-file support for the move. By the spring of 1993, both IUP and UE were ready, and the overwhelming vote to join UE by the membership was another shot in the arm for UE’s rebuilding efforts. Kingsley recalls, “We won the Iowa affiliation vote in the middle of their epic spring flood, where half the state was under water. We had UE factory members from all across the country crisscrossing the state, extolling the UE’s merits from the shop floor perspective, in the midst of this calamity. We got votes for determination alone and won overwhelmingly.”

The big Iowa win allowed UE to launch additional organizing campaigns for unorganized public-sector workers at school districts and county workplaces, with new successes. By 1995, graduate teaching and research assistants at the University of Iowa contacted UE, and veteran organizer Carol Lambiase was tasked with determining if a campaign was feasible for the 2,600 workers.

After an enormous and sustained campaign, the University of Iowa workers voted overwhelmingly to join UE in April of 1996. This marked the largest organizing win in several decades for UE and gave the union new energy to expand organizing even further. Everyone in UE was celebrating the big Iowa win, but a common question was, “Tell me again what kind of work they do?”

New Directions

The organizing success in Iowa, including UE’s very first graduate worker unit, all set the stage for continued UE growth in the public sector as well as other new sectors. Through the 1990’s and beyond, UE set down additional membership roots in the health care sector, at food coops, among rail crew van drivers, and among federal contract workers, all while maintaining a realistic focus on new organizing in the original manufacturing sector. Gene Elk and Mark Meinster followed Kingsley as directors of organization in the last decade, and each led membership and staff in the direction of further growth in a diversity of sectors. Both helped set the stage for the explosive growth of the last three years, enabling the union to emerge from the pandemic period strengthened with more than 35,000 new members joining from higher education ranks alone.

A Remarkable Renewal

The role played by UE Local 896, the Campaign to Organize Graduate Students (COGS) — the University of Iowa graduate teaching and research assistants and first UE win in that sector — was trailblazing. Local 896 has compiled a solid record of rank-and-file and democratic local functioning, aggressive struggle on behalf of the members’ interests, and in opposition to the blizzard of political attacks waged against public employees in Iowa for almost 30 years. This outstanding record is all the more remarkable given that owing to the nature of their profession, workers do not remain for lifetime careers. Each successive generation must relearn the union history and from the point they are hired must join the front ranks of the local.

It would have been inconceivable for any of us who spent time in UE — in my case a 25-year career — to have imagined that Local 896 would have helped to rekindle UE to such an awesome extent. But why not? When those of us who were grappling with the difficult and at times unsolvable puzzle of just how we were going to reverse UE’s decline, and build new membership again, we always believed that there existed a large section of workers who wanted real, aggressive, militant, and member-run unionism. We learned that workers are shaped somewhat by the work they perform for a boss someplace, but more than that working people are shaped by a desire not just for any union, but for a better kind of union. UE’s assembly line workers, machinists, toolmakers, and factory hands are now largely replaced with higher education, public service, health care, rail, retail, and technical workers. But rank-and-file unionism pushes on to another generation, delivering real results and proving that member-run unionism works.

UE holds high that banner, and the response of workers like the several tens of thousands who have poured in to the union’s ranks in the past several years is proof of that. A special union salute is in order to the UE founders, the old-timers who kept UE going in the most trying of times, the current membership, officers, local activists, and staff who kept rallying to UE’s banner, and now to the many new faces arriving to replenish the ranks.

If UE did not exist it would have to be invented. On to the next stage of growth, and wherever that takes us.

The post A Fighting Union’s Path to Renewal: The UE Story appeared first on Labor Today.

MINNEAPOLIS, MN—On Monday March 31 members of UE Local 1105, the Graduate Labor Union of the University of Minnesota (UMN), gathered at the UMN Twin Cities campus to speak out against the university administration’s inaction in the face of a broad range of threats from the federal government against workers, students, and faculty. The rally was held jointly with AFSCME 3800 and featured speakers from both unions as well as the Minnesota Immigrant Rights Action Committee, UMN Students for a Democratic Society, and other campus and local organizations. The large crowd expressed concern over a plethora of attacks: cuts to federal research funds, attacks on diversity, equity, and inclusion (DEI) programs, the rollback of civil rights for transgender people, and the arrests and deportations of immigrants and international students across the United States. This last concern was especially pressing, as ICE detained a UMN graduate student from Turkey on March 27.

At the rally, Local 1105 President Abaki Beck, alongside AFSCME 3800 president Max Vast, unveiled a list of eight demands for UMN President Rebecca Cunningham. This joint press conference and rally drew over 500 attendees, breaking the university’s spontaneous civil engagement policy enacted in August 2024, which limits protests to 100 attendees. 

Beck called upon Cunningham to take “immediate and pre-emptive action” to protect students and workers from the consequences of the federal attacks, instead of continuing to “hide behind empty platitudes” that perpetuate harm to workers and students. These demands included President Cunningham holding a meeting with union leadership, a written commitment to defending immigrant workers and protecting cultural or diversity centers on campus, publicly communicated plans on how UMN will address funding challenges, a binding agreement to halt layoffs for one year, an expansion of Know Your Rights trainings, and an end to union busting and political repression on campus. 

Olivia Wood, a graduate worker in the English Department and a Local 1105 steward, detailed the fear many on campus are currently feeling and called on President Cunningham not to allow herself to be paralyzed by fear. “These past few months, I’ve experienced more fear due to politics than ever before in my adult life. Almost everyone I know is scared, too,” Wood said. “But I, and my fellow GLU-UE members, will not let our fear stop us from standing up for ourselves, for our colleagues, and our coworkers. Because we know that fear is never a reason to refuse to do the right thing. To Rebecca Cunningham, to the Board of Regents: We call on you to overcome your fear.” 

Greyson Arnold, a transgender graduate worker in the Department of Family Social Science, spoke of his decision to study at the University of Minnesota because it promised greater safety. “As a transgender PhD student from the southern United States, who studies transgender, gender-diverse, and LGBTQ+ communities, I chose to study at UMN so that I could have confidence in my civil rights and ability to conduct crucial research,” Arnold said. “Instead, I stand before you on the 16th annual Transgender Day of Visibility, pleading with our university’s leadership to protect me, to protect my international and immigrant colleagues and neighbors. Visibility without protections is a trap!”

A month later, the demands Local 1105 and AFSCME 3800 made of the administration still have not been met. Soon after the demands were made public to the University, UMN Vice President of Human Resources Ken Horstman responded to union presidents Beck and Vast in an email, referring to the demands as “bargaining issues,” and went on to mention that GLU would have to wait until the local’s contract expires in Spring of 2027 before the university would consider the demands. 

In response, Local 1105 will be strengthening ties with unions, immigrant rights groups, and community allies across campus and the Twin Cities. Local 1105 is building a united front to keep its members safe and to pressure the University to take real, material action.

On April 25, Local 1105 President Abaki Beck spoke at AFSCME 3800’s contract negotiation kickoff rally and reaffirmed the local’s stance that these demands are necessary.

Local 1105’s stewards and members will soon have access to Know Your Rights trainings, coordinated with campus partners, to prepare for the escalating threats many in our communities are facing. These trainings are essential for the local to arm itself with the knowledge and tools to resist state violence and institutional neglect. 

On May 1, Local 1105 joined the Minnesota Immigrant Rights Action Committee for their May Day/Day Without Immigrants rally and march at the Minnesota state capitol. Recognized internationally as a day of worker solidarity, May Day provides an opportunity for workers and community members to come together in support of shared struggles. 

Looking ahead, Local 1105 remains committed to working alongside the broader Twin Cities labor community and other UE graduate worker locals to build enduring collective power. As the federal government continues to enact harmful policies and as the university remains largely unresponsive, Local 1105 affirms its role in standing with those affected. This effort reflects a core principle of solidarity: workers and community members joining together to protect and support one another.

The post UE: Local 1105 Rallies to Demand UMN Administration Discuss Federal Threats With Union appeared first on Labor Today.

MADISON, WI—On Tuesday, April 1, voters in Wisconsin elected the pro-worker Susan Crawford to a seat on the state supreme court, despite billionaire Elon Musk spending more than $20 million to support Crawford’s conservative opponent. Crawford won by a margin of almost 10 percentage points, winning many counties which supported Trump in the 2024 presidential election.

The Wisconsin Supreme Court is scheduled to hear cases on collective bargaining rights for public-sector workers — which were severely restricted by the Republican-passed “Act 10” in 2011 — and for workers at the University of Wisconsin Hospitals and Clinics. It is also scheduled to consider the constitutionality of Wisconsin’s draconian abortion ban, which was passed in 1849, before women even had the right to vote.

UE Local 1186 in Madison endorsed Crawford and phone-banked their members to turn them out. In addition to asking members to vote in the election, they also encouraged them to participate in solidarity actions supporting workers at the Transportation Security Administration and the Veterans Administration, who are under attack from the Trump administration and Musk’s so-called “Department of Government Efficiency.” Crawford was also endorsed by the UE Western Region.

The Guardian reported that “Musk reprised some of the tactics that he used last fall to help Trump win, including offering $100 to people who signed a petition opposing ‘activist judges’ and offering $1 million checks to voters.” Following her election, Crawford told supporters, “Today Wisconsinites fended off an unprecedented attack on our democracy. Wisconsin stood up and said loudly that justice does not have a price. Our courts are not for sale.”

The post Wisconsin Voters Defy Billionaire Elon Musk, Elect Pro-Worker Supreme Court Judge appeared first on Labor Today.

In the 1930s, as rank-and-file workers in the electrical manufacturing industry were establishing UE in workplaces like the giant General Electric plant in Erie, PA (Local 506) and Sargent Lock in New Haven, CT (Local 243), a union with a similar “Them and Us” philosophy of unionism was building militant, interracial unions in iron ore mines in an area known as “Red Mountain” near Birmingham, Alabama. Although those local unions fell victim to the same forces of red-baiting that attempted to destroy UE in the 1940s, for a decade they created a culture of aggressive struggle and unity among Black (and many white) miners, a culture whose legacy informed the civil rights movement decades later.

That union, the International Union of Mine, Mill and Smelter Workers — commonly known as “Mine Mill” — already had a storied history before it arrived in Alabama. Founded in 1893 as the Western Federation of Miners, it had won the eight-hour day as early as 1894 for union miners in Cripple Creek, Colorado. It helped found the Industrial Workers of the World in 1905, although later left and joined the American Federation of Labor.

Alabama iron miners had invited Mine Mill organizers to help them organize in 1918, but the organizers were violently driven out of town by company thugs before they were able to build stable organizations. Those company thugs, according to historian Brian Kelly, became “the basis of the Jefferson County Ku Klux Klan … the Klan has its origins, really, in the attempt by the employers to break up the union.”

In the 1930s, as workers in industries across the country were rising up and establishing the new industrial unions of the Congress of Industrial Organizations (CIO), Mine Mill — one of the CIO’s founding unions — returned to Alabama. Although strikes in 1934 and 1936 were unsuccessful, in 1938 the newly-established National Labor Relations Board ordered the company to rehire 160 Mine Mill members who were fired during the strikes and provide back pay. Shortly thereafter the union won recognition from the Tennessee Coal, Iron and Railroad Company (TCI), a subsidiary of the giant U.S. Steel corporation.

Mine Mill, like UE, practiced aggressive struggle and had a strong commitment to uniting all workers across racial barriers. Its locals in Alabama had a provision in their charters ensuring that the locals’ top offices would be evenly split between Black and white workers. Also like UE, it was accused of being “Communist-dominated” which, in the context of the South, carried connotations not only of foreign domination but of seeking to promote social equality between Black and white workers.

While Mine Mill received its most enthusiastic support from Black workers, significant numbers of white workers also supported the union. Historian Horace Huntley, whose father and grandfather were Mine Mill members, told an NPR interviewer in 2018 about a white Mine Mill activist named Phil Tindle:

He lived in the iron ore mining camp. He and other white miners … they were different kinds of people, you know. They didn’t hold one to a position based upon their color. And that was unusual for Alabamians in the 1930s, ’40s, ’50s and ’60s and, to some degree, even today.

Up against the Company, the CIO and the Klan

Mine Mill not only limited the companies’ ability to exploit their workers, its example of interracial unionism also threatened the social structure of the Jim Crow South, which kept power in the hands of a small number of wealthy white people and impoverished workers of all races. As happened in many UE workplaces after World War II, the companies, the local elite, and the CIO conspired to replace Mine Mill with a more compliant union — in this case, the Steelworkers.

The company explicitly used race as a tool in its attempts to destroy the union. Before Mine Mill was recognized, the workers at TCI were approximately 80 percent Black — TCI hired Black workers because they could pay them less. But once the union came in, TCI mostly hired white workers, assuming that they would be less likely to support Mine Mill. According to an oral history interview with Mine Mill member Elsie Culpepper, “It was so designed that there were never too many whites that worked in the mines. They hired all those white men, and they killed Mine Mill.”

Mine Mill, which was still at this point a member of the CIO, appealed to the labor federation to intervene to prevent the Steelworkers’ raid, but to no avail. (UE withdrew from the CIO in 1949 in part because of its failure to prevent other CIO unions from raiding UE shops.) In fact, CIO representative Van Jones met with white Mine Mill members and promised them that if they joined the Steelworkers they would have all-white locals.

An NLRB election to replace Mine Mill was scheduled on April 21, 1949, but Mine Mill wasn’t just facing off against the company and the Steelworkers — the Ku Klux Klan also joined the fray. Although firmly under the control of local elites, the Klan was successful in recruiting a significant number of white workers, who sadly chose to align with their bosses on the basis of shared racial identity instead of standing in solidarity with their Black co-workers. The night before the representation election, a hundred Klansmen in white robes and hoods rode by the Mine Mill office with burning torches. Mine Mill’s national Secretary-Treasurer Maurice Travis travelled to Alabama to speak in a radio debate with the Steelworkers, but after showing up at the radio station was beaten so severely by Steelworker supporters that it left him blind in one eye.

On the day of the vote, according to Mine Mill Education Director Graham Dolan:

Repeated reports of intimidation were phoned into our office during the day. Every automobile carrying white workers was stopped and its occupants told by roving gangs of Steel hoodlums that if they did not vote for Steel they would be killed or beaten up. The Steel hoodlums told the workers that they would know how they voted, that they had an arrangement with the Company for so knowing.

The race-baiting, red-baiting and violent intimidation proved too much, and Mine Mill lost the representation election at TCI to the Steelworkers.

“The Union meant a coming of freedom”

Huntley, the historian, conducted oral history interviews with many former Mine Mill members in the 1970s. He sums up what the union meant to Black workers:

To black workers, Mine Mill was much more than just another labor organization. Many miners related to this writer that prior to Mine Mill on Red Mountain, blacks lived in the “shadow of slavery.” For them the Union meant a coming of freedom, justice and equality. That labor organization became a way of life, and one that those workers cherished. With the loss of the election, that way of life was dealt a near fatal blow.

Nonetheless, Mine Mill’s legacy lived on in the Birmingham area, especially in the Bessemer Voters’ League (BVL), which historian Max Krochmal calls “the most durable institution” of the civil rights movement in Bessemer, the industrial suburb of Birmingham that encompassed much of the iron ore mining areas. Asbury Howard, Sr., a TCI miner who became a Mine Mill official, led both the BVL and the local NAACP until the latter was banned by the state in 1956. According to Krochmal, Howard “and untold others served as the foot soldiers of the civil rights movement.” Mine Mill veterans and other Black workers

led the battle for access to skilled jobs, joined the ACMHR [the Alabama Christian Movement for Human Rights, an organization founded in 1956 after the NAACP was banned], formed the unit of “ushers” who protected the movement against violent attack, conducted direct action demonstrations in cafeterias and on buses, and registered voters.

Although it was defeated by the Steelworkers at TCI, Mine Mill survived into the 1960s as an independent union (in 1950 it was formally expelled from the CIO for “Communist domination”). A militant strike waged by mostly Chicano Mine Mill members in Grant County, New Mexico in 1951 was the subject of the legendary labor film Salt of the Earth. Most of Mine Mill merged into the Steelworkers in 1967, but its largest local — in Sudbury, Ontario — remained independent until 1993, when it became a local of the Canadian Autoworkers, who later helped found UE’s Canadian sister union Unifor.

The iron ore mines in Alabama all closed by the 1970s, but the city of Bessemer was thrust from obscurity into the national spotlight in early 2021 when workers at the giant Amazon warehouse there became the first workers at an Amazon facility in the U.S. to try to organize their shop through the NLRB process, an effort that some commentators connected to the history of Mine Mill in the area.

The history of Mine Mill in Alabama is a cautionary tale about how organizations like the Klan — and today’s so-called “alt-right” — can lure workers into choosing their racial identity over class solidarity, with disastrous consequences for militant unionism. But it also demonstrates that building militant unions that unite workers across racial lines is possible even under the most difficult circumstances.

The post “Them and Us” Unionism in the Deep South appeared first on Labor Today.

The workers also rallied in support of an unidentified graduate student who was detained by Immigration and Customs Enforcement (ICE) on March 27, 2025, and another student that was revealed to had been abducted on March 28, 2025 from the campus of Minnesota State University Mankato.

Hundreds of students and workers gathered on campus at the UMN in front of Morrell Hall, the same hall which was occupied for 24 hours back in January 1969 by 70 black students to protest institutional racism and the lack of outreach, support, and culturally relevant coursework for students of color. At the rally, AFSCME 3800 President Max Vast, GLU-UE President Abaki Beck and others addressed the crowd with both a list of demands to UMN President Rebecca Cunningham and addressing the working conditions on campus that were making it harder for UMN workers and faculty to do their jobs.

The list of demands includes the following:

1. An immediate meeting with AFSMCE-3800 and GLU-UE, to ensure the urgent concerns of our union members are addressed and swiftly acted upon.
2. A clear, written commitment to defending immigrant workers by providing immediate and full financial, material, and legal support for international students and workers facing the threat of deportation. Establish the University of Minnesota as an official Sanctuary Campus to protect our community.
3. A binding agreement to halt layoffs for one year due to federal funding cuts, providing staff with job security as legal challenges to cuts unfold. The future under the Trump administration remains uncertain and in President Cummingham’s own words, “we should not overreact to what continues to be a fluid situation”.
4. A rapid expansion of Know Your Rights trainings for all students and workers to ensure that we are fully prepared to defend out rights and stay safe in the face of increasing federal attacks.
5. A publicly communicated plan to strengthen and expand our legal challenges to federal funding cuts, outlining how the University will address the potential impact of funding cuts. We demand the University commit to leveraging the full power of the University to resist these attacks, and ensuring that workers’ jobs and research remains protected.
6. An end to union busting on campus, demonstrated by bargaining in good faith with our Unions, and immediately and voluntarily recognizing graduate fellows and newly organized workers on campus. Strong unions are the foundation of our university and make this a better place to work, live, and study for everyone.
7. Immediate action to end political repression on  campus, including a clear commitment to protect workers targeted by McCarthyist federal investigations, immediately repealing restrictive protest policies, reversing the consolidation of power over departmental speech, and ending retaliation against campus protest. We further demand the University refuse to comply with the Trump Administration’s request for names and nationalities of students and workers involvement in protest.
8. A written commitment to no cuts to cultural centers or academic programs, and the continuation of critical EDI work. The University must take concrete steps to ensure ALL students and workers feel safe, supported, and respected on this campus. This work is far from finished.

AFSCME-UMN will also be heading to the bargaining table for a new collective bargaining agreement (CBA) with the UMN as their prior contact was three years ago. President Vast appealed for continued support from the students and workers in their fight to secure a new CBA and the rights of all students and workers in the UMN.

LUEL applauds AFSCME-UMN Local 3800 and GLU-UE Local 1105 for standing up for fellow workers and students. LUEL calls on the UMN and all university systems to respect the rights of students and workers and for the UMN to recognize the graduate fellows and other workers that want to form a union.

AFSCME-UMN Local 3800 can be found at: https://www.afscmemn.org/local-3800-university-minnesota-clerical-workers GLU-UE Local 1105 can be found at: https://umnglu.org/

The post Students and Workers Rally at the University of Minnesota Twin Cities Against Layoffs and Attacks on Free Speech appeared first on Labor Today.

Statement of the UE Officers

Last weekend, the federal government arrested, detained and threatened with deportation Mahmoud Khalil, a permanent legal resident of the U.S., not because he had committed any crime, but in retaliation for his peacefully speaking out on political issues while a student at Columbia University. The Trump administration has also cancelled over $400 million in already-allotted research funds to Columbia, essentially for failing to sufficiently repress peaceful student protests. The Department of Justice has launched investigations of 10 universities, with a threat to similarly slash federal funding, including several where UE represents graduate workers, and the Department of Education has sent threatening letters to an additional 60 schools. The clear intent of all these actions is to suppress dissent and the right to protest on campus.

These are serious attacks on our civil liberties, and will impact all working people if they are not vigorously resisted. The purpose of attacks on civil liberties is to instill fear, much like what bosses do during union organizing campaigns. People who are afraid to criticize the government will also be afraid to speak up at work. History has shown that a government that feels like it can get away with detaining or deporting legal residents for political speech will also be willing to arrest or deport union leaders who speak out about bad working conditions and low wages — especially a government of corporate billionaires like the one currently in office.

At the 78th UE Convention, in 2023, rank-and-file delegates from around the country declared, “The chilling effect of denials of our democratic freedoms curtails political debate within the U.S., limits the ability of all citizens to make democratic choices for the future of our country, and thereby undermines our livelihoods and living standards.”

In the late 1940s and 1950s, our country — and our union — faced a similar attempt to punish people for exercising their democratic and workplace freedoms: McCarthyism. The abduction and threatened deportation of Khalil, a green-card holder with the legal right to live and work in the U.S., is strongly reminiscent of the U.S. government’s attempt to deport founding UE Director of Organization James Matles in the 1950s, despite the fact that he was a naturalized citizen.

Today’s witch-hunt is no more about the purported “anti-Semitism” of campus protesters than the McCarthyist witch-hunts were about “communism.” In both cases, the point is to stifle dissent and make people afraid to criticize our government’s actions, to create a docile working class that is easier to exploit because people are afraid to speak up.

We are appalled by the outrageous extent to which university presidents and administrators are not only bowing to this effort to curb free speech and expression, but actively suppressing protest on their own campuses. The very purpose of a university is the free exchange of ideas, and we expect the leaders of those institutions to stand up for that principle. Instead, too many are doing the work of our increasingly authoritarian government of billionaires.

Civil liberties are not a luxury. Indeed, as the history of the labor movement has shown, they are essential to enable working people to fight for justice. As in previous generations, if the government will not respect our civil liberties, and if the leaders of institutions and political parties will not speak up for them, then we must defend them through mass mobilization and, if necessary, strikes.

Carl Rosen
General President

Andrew Dinkelaker
Secretary-Treasurer

Mark Meinster
Director of Organization

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