Mano de obra, y, en particular, una clase orientada al movimiento sindical, ha de desempeñar un papel fundamental dentro de este Anti-Monopolio de la Coalición. El trabajo de parto es el corazón de esta coalición. Mientras que la coalición es unificar todos los progresistas y las fuerzas democráticas (como trabajadores, estudiantes, profesionales, agricultores, propietarios de pequeños negocios, etc.), la clase obrera es la fuerza que tiene el poder, si si se utiliza correctamente, para llevar la economía a parar hasta que sus demandas sean cumplidas. Los trabajadores de control de la producción, el envío, e incluso el comercio de mercancías. Los empresarios y los monopolios que dictan las políticas a la sociedad son los que dependen de la clase obrera de la mayoría.

Para el trabajo a desempeñar el papel principal en la lucha Contra el Monopolio de la Coalición, primero se tiene que trabajar sin descanso para traer la unidad del movimiento sindical. Concretamente, este esfuerzo tendrá los siguientes objetivos inmediatos:

1. Acabar con los prejuicios dentro de los sindicatos, tales como el racismo, el sexismo, y el sentimiento anti-inmigrante, se rompe la solidaridad e incluso previene la entrada al trabajo organizado por el movimiento de las secciones clave de la labor de parto.
2. Organizar a los no organizados para traer la unidad entre sindicalizados y no sindicalizados de mano de obra.
3. Empujando a nivel nacional de una derecho a organizarse y en contra de cualquier intento sistemático de la apertura de las tiendas, tales como el denominado "derecho al trabajo" de las leyes.
4. La fusión de pequeñas embarcaciones de los sindicatos en los sindicatos en las líneas industriales.
5. Empujando a revocar leyes, como la Ley Taft-Hartley, que restringen las huelgas de solidaridad.
6. La formación de grupos de discusión al interior de los sindicatos que luchan por la democracia sindical, como los Camioneros para una Unión Democrática (TDU) está trabajando en.

Como el Anti-Monopolio de la Coalición surge, organizado y militante de trabajo debe estar listo para tomar el liderazgo. Para asegurar el éxito, el trabajo tiene que trabajar en los objetivos anteriores. En trabajar en estos objetivos, los militantes de los líderes laborales inevitablemente chocan con los jefes de' los agentes y los reaccionarios dirigentes sindicales dentro de los sindicatos que obstruyen la acción política independiente de la mano de obra.

Para aprender más, únete a Harry Puentes de la Escuela de la clase de mano de obra en 2 de julio de 2025, llamado El trabajo de parto y el Anti-Monopolio de la Coalición.

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El estado de sindicatos de América es algo que no acaba de ser atacado, pero ha sido por décadas, tanto por su propio liderazgo. De negocios, el liderazgo de la unión se han basado en la JUNTA nacional de relaciones laborales y el Partido Demócrata para gobernar en su nombre en asuntos laborales para tan mucho tiempo que gran parte de la militancia que construyó el movimiento obrero está en ninguna parte ser visto, y mucho menos animado. Desde el McCarthy período donde los Comunistas y militantes fueron expulsados de los sindicatos, las empresas sindicalismo se ha asentado por mediocre contratos, el hundimiento de los salarios, la disminución de beneficios, y la pérdida de la densidad sindical. Muchos trabajadores se han cansado de las excusas dadas por el liderazgo de la defensa de los jefes y no dando la pelea para sus miembros.

Ahora, con el mecanismo de uno de los sindicatos invocado para resolver en su nombre no puede funcionar, los trabajadores estarán buscando respuestas. La tendencia hacia el sindicalismo independiente es casi seguro que aumentar como las empresas líderes de la unión será incapaz de saciar la clasificación y archivo de la membresía. En los próximos años, una división de mayo de la forma como los trabajadores comienzan a ser más combativa y clasista.

En la victoria de los trabajadores de más a la clase orientada al movimiento sindical, el aumento de la espontaneidad y de doble sindicalismo lamentablemente, también se producen como algunos toman el camino de los Anarquistas y la Internacional de los Trabajadores del Mundo (IWW). Debemos trabajar para impulsar a los trabajadores lejos de tácticas destructivas que objetivamente se daño el movimiento obrero y en lugar de trabajar para construir una anti-monopolio de la coalición de amplio progresista sectores de la población, dirigida por la clase obrera.

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Después de una reunión de diciembre con ILA Presidente Harold Daggett, Trump anunció su apoyo a la declaración de su plataforma de medios sociales, de la Verdad Social. Trompeta vestido de su apoyo en un reaccionario de tono, haciendo que la lucha de los trabajadores de más de automatización a ser poco más que una pelea entre una empresa extranjera y los trabajadores Estadounidenses. Es importante no perder de vista el hecho de que no importa donde una empresa se basa, los capitalistas siempre intento utilizar automatización para aumentar la producción y eliminar puestos de trabajo—especialmente empleos sindicalizados.

Después de anunciar el acuerdo provisional el 8 de enero de Daggett afirmó que el Triunfo ha demostrado a sí mismo ser "uno de los mejores amigos de los hombres y mujeres que trabajan en los Estados unidos." Tanto el Triunfo de la carrera en los negocios y en primer término, es claro que el Triunfo está lejos de ser un amigo de la clase obrera. Durante la campaña de Triunfo se trató de causa una brecha en el movimiento obrero, tratando de tomar ventaja de las diferencias históricas entre la artesanía y los sindicatos industriales. Él ha seguido su anti-trabajador de la campaña con una serie de Órdenes Ejecutivas que atacan de trabajo de los Estadounidenses de clase.

ILA liderazgo enganchar a sí mismo a Trump, puede haber ayudado a ganar esta corriente acuerdo tentativo, pero añade que el movimiento laboral precaria posición después de Trump ha llenado su gabinete con antisindicales barones y otros anti-unión blowhards. LUEL apoya con cautela la ILA clasificación y archivo de los miembros ganar en la protección de sus puestos de trabajo y el mantenimiento de salarios decentes, pero el movimiento obrero no puede seguir confiando en los políticos capitalistas. El único camino hacia adelante para proteger y mantener estos logros en adelante, es para una clase orientada a la clasificación y archivo de movimiento para llevar a la unión en contra del monopolio de la dirección.

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Los resultados desastrosos para el Partido Demócrata, vi a muchas otras organizaciones, entre ellas la AFL-CIO, empezar a reconocer públicamente los problemas con los dos partidos del duopolio que aqueja a la política Estadounidense. En su post-electoral de la declaración, Presidente de AFL-CIO Liz Shuler finalmente admitió que "es claro que la lucha económica de la clase obrera que se enfrentan las personas es la causa real del dolor y ninguna de las partes tiene suficientemente en cuenta que." (El énfasis es mío) UAW Presidente Shawn Fain también ha dejado claro que "ambas partes tienen su parte de culpa por la cara de la clase de guerra que los estados unidos ha librado en nuestra unión, y sobre la clase obrera de los Estadounidenses durante décadas."

Estas declaraciones han dado mainstream credibilidad a lo que en LUEL han estado presionando para que todo este ciclo de elecciones; la clase obrera necesita de una mano de obra-led anti-monopolio de la coalición que va a traer todos los elementos progresistas del país para crear una organización independiente de la clase obrera partido político. Nosotros, sin embargo, entender que tal movimiento no puede ser construido de la noche a la mañana, por la simple declaración de su existencia. Será una larga y dura lucha, que tendrá un enorme impulso en la clasificación y archivo de la organización no vistos en décadas. La UE expresó muy bien en su de septiembre de declaración sobre las elecciones:

"La formación de un eficaz, independiente de la clase obrera partido del trabajo no será tarea fácil; no puede ser simplemente deseaba a la existencia. La polarización extrema entre las personas que trabajan para nuestro país, 'first-past-the-post" de las elecciones, las leyes que se obstaculizando la tercera parte de los candidatos, y la influencia del dinero en la política todo fortalecer el sistema de dos partidos. Construir un partido obrero, se requieren desafiante estos obstáculos estructurales a la democracia".

Muchos LUEL miembros ya han comenzado a llegar a los compañeros de los trabajadores en sus lugares de trabajo acerca de una política independiente de la opción para la clase obrera. Hemos visto que mientras que muchos de los trabajadores de acuerdo con el estado de nuestro sistema político, hay un montón de trabajo que hacer para convencer a las masas trabajadoras que es posible montar una verdadera lucha contra el capitalista duopolio. Ahora es el momento para unirse a la lucha por la mano de obra-led anti-monopolio y de la coalición independiente de la clase obrera partido político.

The post EDITORIAL: la mano de obra del Cambio hacia la Independencia Política Debe Ser Empujado en la lucha Contra el Monopolio de la Dirección first appeared on Trabajo De Hoy.

UAW President Shawn Fain released a declaración de on November 13^th discussing the election and that the issues of today remained unchanged. In it he also states, “As we have said consistently, both parties share blame for the one-sided class war that corporate America has waged on our union, and on working-class Americans for decades.” And yet, Fain was the one who lauded Kamala Harris and Tim Walz during his DNC speech for “standing shoulder to shoulder with the working class” and also credited Joe Biden among the striking workers for contract wins against Ford, GM, and Stellantis. But these two things cannot exist simultaneously. Either both Biden and Harris were on the side of the working class or they were not. Fain’s comments about how “this was never about party or personality” flies in the face of everything business unionists proclaimed leading up to the election. Furthermore, Fain says the UAW, “will never support the destruction of the union movement”, but campaigned for a presidential candidate that actively worked to prevent a rank-and-file led railroad workers strike in 2022.

The International Union of Painters and Allied Trades (IUPAT) President, Jimmy Williams Jr. released a declaración de stating, “the Democratic Party failed to offer a compelling working class agenda”. And yet, unions spent months of time, energy and money campaigning for Harris. The AFL-CIO and its affiliated unions have long been an appendage of the Democratic Party so it is likely that these unions will learn nothing and line up to support Democrats in the next election. The timid criticism of the Democratic Party post-election, instead of shifting towards independent political action, appears like damage control from leaders attempting to rein in their rank-and-file who are less than enthusiastic to continue supporting Democrats year after year.

Unlike business unionists, United Electrical, Radio, and Machine Workers of America (UE) provided a more nuanced approach when referring to the 2024 election. They specifically mentioned that Biden has an awful record on many issues and that they were not endorsing him (and by that extension Harris as they criticized her clearly undemocratic nomination), but that they had seen some gains under the Biden administration and encouraged working people to vote “in order to live to fight another day” while also pushing for independent political labor movement. The UE has since gone on to further advocate for a labor party and deepening the political struggle. This is where our decision now lies. Instead of waiting another three years for business unionist leaders to endorse another Democrat amid sinking popularity, we need to “get serious about building a true political alternative, a labor party that can unite and speak for the working class”. Unions such as the Teamsters, International Association of Firefighters (IAFF), UE, and United Food & Commercial Workers (UFCW) Local 3000 all decided to not endorse either candidate in this election, showing the opportunity is brewing for a labor-led anti-monopoly coalition.

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For over half of a century, working people in the U.S. have seen stagnating wages, worsening working conditions, the loss of good jobs, and constant increases in the cost of living. This is the result of corporations’ never-ending thirst to squeeze as many profits out of workers as possible. Throughout this time, both major parties have been complicit in this corporate assault. They have maintained their power, and a corrupt two-party system, by dividing the working class along lines of race, gender, and education. Frustration with the Democrats and their unwillingness to confront corporate power or offer real solutions to working people’s economic concerns led many working people to vote for Donald Trump on Tuesday, giving him the margin of victory.

While working people largely voted for Trump in the hope that he will improve the economy, Project 2025, the 900-page blueprint for a second Trump administration, will only worsen the economic problems working people face. One of the most dangerous political threats that the labor movement, and the working class, has faced in generations, Project 2025 proposes a variety of measures to weaken unions in the private sector, and bluntly states its objective to eliminate them completely in the public sector. It also seeks to weaken or eliminate virtually every law that protects workers, from OSHA to the minimum wage to laws against child labor.

Furthermore, we know from Trump’s first term that a Trump NLRB will seek to remove National Labor Relations Board protections from hundreds of thousands of graduate workers by classifying them as simply students, not workers, despite all of the paid labor that they provide to their universities. We also know from Trump’s history, and the rhetoric he has used throughout his campaign, that he will continue to demonize immigrants and encourage attacks on them — and we know that employers will take advantage of those attacks in order to silence immigrants who are union leaders.

Faced with these threats, the labor movement simply cannot afford to retreat into a defensive crouch as it did after the election of Republican presidents in 2001 and 2017. Our unions must be prepared not only to militantly defend workers, but also to lead a broad and militant social resistance to Trump and the Republican Congress. The policies that they will seek to enact, both legislatively and through executive branch action, will hurt everyone except the super-rich.

As the airport occupations in 2017, the mobilization to defend the Affordable Care Act in 2018, and the general strike threat in response to the federal government shutdown of 2018-19 all show, the anti-worker Republican agenda can be defeated, and the labor movement must step up to the plate and help lead such struggles.

The strike, labor’s ultimate weapon, will be a key part of working-class resistance to a second Trump administration. In the higher education industry, where UE is the leading union of private-sector graduate workers covered by the National Labor Relations Act, university administrators will be faced with a choice of whether or not to side with Trump’s attacks on graduate workers and immigrant students. Those who stand with Trump must be met with fierce resistance and militant action, including large strikes by majorities of workers. UE is prepared to engage in aggressive struggle to ensure that universities respect labor rights and that international graduate workers are not targeted. We call upon the entire labor movement to close ranks with this sector of the working class and any others that come under special attack.

Trump won because the Democrats have largely failed to clearly take the side of the working class, either while in office or on the campaign trail. While Harris claimed to be fighting for the “middle class,” she offered few concrete policy proposals beyond a vague claim that she would cut taxes. Had Harris campaigned vigorously on a platform of reining in corporate power, investing in green jobs, and providing universal healthcare, she would have given working people a more compelling reason to vote for her than simply opposing Trump.

Harris was also hurt by her unwillingness to condemn Israel’s year-long military assault on the people of Gaza, with a significant number of potential Democratic voters feeling that they could not vote to “endorse genocide.”

This election has demonstrated, once again, that the current two-party system is incapable of uniting working people around a vision for progress. We reiterate the position taken by UE’s General Executive Board in September: “Working people need an independent political organization to fight for our interests against the corrupt two-party system, and we call upon our locals and members, the rest of the labor movement, and our allies in other social movements to get serious about building a true political alternative, a labor party that can unite and speak for the working class.”

In the immediate future, the labor movement faces an existential threat. The most anti-union elements of our society will have the full power of the federal government at their disposal, and have made clear their intentions to destroy us. We must respond by uniting our membership and uniting our class; engaging in militant struggles, including strikes, to defend our rights and our unions; and leading a fight for a future that puts people over profits.

Carl Rosen
El Presidente General De Los

Andrew Dinkelaker
Secretario-Tesorero

Marca Meinster
Director de Organización

The post UE: el Movimiento obrero Debe Unir a la Clase Obrera para Resistir la Agenda Corporativa, Luchar por Soluciones Reales first appeared on Trabajo De Hoy.

It may appear that the situation in America is hopeless for the working class but in fact, there is still a path to better living and working conditions in the country. That path is the building of an anti-monopoly coalition. This anti-monopoly coalition is the key to revitalizing democracy in the US and returning America to “We The People”. The anti-monopoly coalition must be made up of the downtrodden and all patriotic Americans who love peace and democracy, all led by the bastion of American democracy: a militant class-oriented labor movement.

We have seen over many decades the AFL-CIO strategy of tailing the parties of the bosses, particularly the Democratic Party, is not meeting the demands of the working class. In 2024, we are starting to see the need for independent political action for the working class coming to a head with unions like the International Brotherhood of Teamsters and the International Association of Fire Fighters (IAFF) refusing to endorse a Presidential candidate from either of the two parties of the bosses: neither the Democrats nor Republicans. Other unions like the United Electrical, Radio, and Machine Workers (UE), are going a step further and are calling for an independent electoral party for the working class. It’s time for the rank-and-file of the American labor movement to work to build an anti-monopoly coalition.

The post EDITORIAL: Ahora es El Momento para un Trabajo Led Anti-Monopolio de la Coalición first appeared on Trabajo De Hoy.

LUEL Supports the Jill Stein Presidential Campaign

Labor United Educational League believes that the Green Party platform is the most progressive on the ballot for the 2024 presidential election. No other candidate is calling for the repeal of Taft-Hartley, a Federal Jobs Guarantee, and the end of US military intervention around the world. Neither Trump nor Harris has even mentioned Taft-Harley. The promotion of a class-oriented platform is critical not only for this election but for future elections. In assessing which candidate on the ballot represents the best path forward in developing an anti-monopoly and class-oriented consciousness in this country, the Labor United Educational League sees the platform of Jill Stein as the best choice for American workers this election.

Discussion of the pro-worker and anti-war policies of the Green Party is essential for all members of LUEL and such policies should be brought to every worker possible.

The Green Party platform can be found at: jillstein2024.com/platform

En solidaridad,
De Trabajo De Los Estados Educativo De La Liga De

https://labortoday.luel.us/wp-content/uploads/2024/10/LUEL-JillStein.pdf

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El declaración de notes that corporate control of both major parties has resulted in worse and worse choices every election cycle, but recommends that working people make the strategic choice to vote for Kamala Harris in this election, to preserve the favorable organizing climate that labor has enjoyed under the Biden-Harris administration.

Members of the GEB, who are elected rank-and-file leaders from local unions across the country, had a frank discussion about the difficulties of talking about politics in their local unions. Bud Decker, Local 329, said that while he hates politics, there is “no way to get rid of them,” because if anti-union politicians have their way “there will be no unions.” Margaret Dabrowski, Local 222, said that without unions engaging in political action, “any laws in your city, any laws in your county” that affect the lives of workers can be made worse.

Scott Slawson, Local 506, gave a concrete example: pensions, which were eliminated in many workplaces — including at Wabtec — following the mis-named “Pension Protection Act” passed in 2006 by a Republican Congress and signed into law by President George W. Bush. “This is why we need to be political, this is why … workers need to band together and get into these fights,” he said. “These are the freedoms that are being stripped away from us when people say we get too political.”

Carl Rosen emphasized that the statement was not an endorsement of Harris. UE only endorses candidates, he said, when “we think they have a program that represents what working people need.” Nonetheless, he called the threat of a second Trump presidency “a real clear and present danger,” noting that “a Trump White House will probably undo, as quick as they can, the right for graduate workers to form unions.” Director of Organization Marca Meinster emphasized that if Trump is elected, “extreme anti-union forces will be running the show” in the federal government, forces that will likely seek to pass a national “right-to-work” law.

“War is profitable, people are making money off of war”

During the political action report, Rosen detailed the leadership role that UE has been playing in mobilizing labor voices for a ceasefire in the Middle East, which prompted a vigorous and passionate discussion of Israel’s continuing military assault on Gaza.

Ramona Malczynski, Local 1466, reported that her local’s involvement in demanding a ceasefire has prompted backlash from a few members, but they haven’t withdrawn their membership. “We genuinely put out the message, let’s talk about this,” she said. “If you disagree, let’s have a conversation.” She contrasted the $30 billion in military aid that the U.S. government is sending to Israel with the human needs in the state of New Mexico, one of the poorest states in the country, where children are going hungry and addiction problems are “massive.” She also noted that many members of her local are from the Middle East and are concerned about the war spreading regionally.

Slawson warned that the Middle East is a “tinderbox” and that “there is a real possibility this could escalate further.” He said that “We have to stop condoning … just indiscriminate killing, and that’s what’s happening. The ceasefire’s about ending a genocide is what it’s about.”

Dabrowski remarked on the different treatment of Israeli and Palestinian deaths in the media, and said that the war is continuing because “War is profitable, people are making money off of war.”

Training New Leaders in “The UE Model”

In his organizing report, Meinster detailed the efforts underway to support the leaders of UE’s new graduate worker locals, “training them on how to be UE leaders and how to operate as a UE local.” Locals 197, 256, 1103 and 1122, which settled first UE contracts covering over 10,000 workers in the past 13 months, have elected hundreds of stewards and are engaged in actively enforcing their contracts. “That’s where you really start to change the power relationship” in the workplace, Meinster said.

The union is engaged in member-to-member training of new local officers, grounded in UE history and principles. “The UE model, when people really buy into it, they learn it and they are able to teach others,” he said. He also reported on continued organizing efforts in higher education, among public sector workers in the South, and in manufacturing.

Delores Phillips, Local 1118, gave a report on the Women’s Leadership Program (see page 14), which led to a robust discussion of the various targeted leadership development programs that UE has initiated over the past two decades. Both Malczynski and Sekia Royall, Local 150, spoke about their participation in the Leadership and Staff Development Program, which was initiated in 2021, and Antwon Gibson, Local 610, noted that “I go back to the Young Activist Program” that UE ran in the 2000s.

The post UE: General Executive Board—Build a Labor Party to Unite the Working Class first appeared on Trabajo De Hoy.

Following President Joe Biden’s debate performance on June 27, the Democratic Party scrambled to figure out how to deal with his rapidly falling poll numbers. This was a welcome development: polls had long shown the majority of working people unhappy with the choice between Biden or Trump.

However, the manner in which party leaders engineered Biden’s replacement at the top of the ticket with Vice President Kamala Harris was thoroughly undemocratic, and bereft of any meaningful discussion of the issues driving large numbers of the party’s potential voters to abandon Biden — most notably, revulsion at his administration’s financial and moral support for Israel’s brutal attack on Gaza and the ongoing shift of income and wealth from working people to the rich and corporations. Also absent was any kind of debate about the kinds of policies that the Democratic Party must stand for and campaign on if it hopes to win votes from working people.

These are precisely the kinds of debates that the presidential primary process, however flawed, encourages. Bernie Sanders’ campaigns in 2016 and 2020, waged on a platform that largely reflected UE policy, brought the issues of workers’ rights, livable wages, and universal healthcare to the center of U.S. politics. This scared the corporate power brokers who hold institutional power in the Democratic Party. In 2020, they coalesced around Joe Biden — a weak candidate who was barely able to beat Trump in the general election — in order to blunt Sanders’ momentum, and in 2024 they ensured that there would be no primary challenge to Biden.

The effective control of the “Democratic” Party at the national level by an unelected and unaccountable set of fundraisers, operatives, and retired politicians has resulted in working people being faced with worse and worse choices in the electoral arena. As the Republican Party has become ever more rabidly anti-worker, the Democrats have been content to cobble together thin majorities based entirely on “lesser-evilism,” rather than on any positive platform for working people. As a result, corporations become ever more powerful and working people become ever more disillusioned and cynical about democracy.

Working people desperately need an independent political organization, based on a political program that can unite us, which can fight for that platform in the electoral arena — in short, a labor party.

The base for such a party exists. Millions of working people are still in unions, and unions are more popular today than they have been in decades — with higher approval ratings than either major party. During the recent primary season, nearly three-quarters of a million voters cast their votes for “uncommitted” delegates in protest of the Biden administration’s policy towards Gaza. In Nebraska, union leader Dan Osborn, running as an independent, has a fighting chance of unseating an incumbent Republican Senator. Sanders’ presidential campaigns have inspired a new wave of strongly pro-worker candidates to run and win office across the country. In Pittsburgh and Chicago, Congresswoman Summer Lee’s UNITE PAC and the United Working Families, respectively, have successfully taken on the Democratic Party machine and elected solidly pro-worker candidates at all levels, including mayors of both cities and, in Allegheny County outside of Pittsburgh, the county executive.

The growing strength of this movement is reflected in the new Democratic ticket. Electing a woman of color as president would be a historic development, an important symbolic breaking of the kind of barriers that have been an obstacle to working-class unity. Minnesota Governor Tim Walz was selected as Harris’s running mate because he would be more acceptable to working-class voters, unions, and people angry about Biden’s Gaza policy. The labor movement in Minnesota has generally been very pleased with the pro-worker policies that he has supported as governor.

However, merely influencing the face that the Democratic Party shows to voters is not enough. We need an organization that can fight for bold pro-worker policies, mobilize people in the streets — and win elections.

The formation of an effective, independent, working-class labor party will be no easy task; it cannot simply be wished into existence. The extreme polarization among working people, our country’s “first-past-the-post” elections, laws that severely hamper third-party candidates, and the influence of big money in politics all buttress the two-party system. Building an effective labor party will require challenging these structural obstacles to democracy.

In the face of these obstacles, many of our closest allies, including Summer Lee and UNITE PAC, United Working Families, and Bernie Sanders, have sought to strategically use the Democratic Party ballot line. Nonetheless, if we do not aim for the goal of a truly independent political party, and begin to take steps towards that goal, we will be trapped in our existing, corrupt system forever.

While we move towards our ultimate goal of a labor party, we have to remain conscious of the fact that elections continue to take place and their outcomes impact workers. There remain real differences between the existing two parties, especially when it comes to labor, and especially our ability to organize and build our strength.

Former President Donald Trump has a clear track record when it comes to labor: his appointments to the National Labor Relations Board did all that they could to make it harder for workers to organize unions, and harder for unions to engage in aggressive struggle to improve our conditions. His appointments to the Supreme Court were the deciding votes in the Janus case, which imposed “right-to-work” conditions on public-sector unions across the country, and in a variety of cases attacking the rights of women, people of color, and LGBTQ+ workers, most notably the Dobbs decision which revoked women’s right to obtain abortions. As his running mate, Trump selected J.D. Vance, an extreme right-wing lawyer and venture capitalist who has been one of the most enthusiastic supporters of Big Oil and Big Tech in the Senate.

Perhaps most disturbingly, the “Project 2025” blueprint for a second Trump presidency put together by the conservative Heritage Foundation lays out a clear program of busting unions and rolling back legal protections for workers. Project 2025 proposes a vast increase in the power and politicization of the executive branch — essentially, if Trump is elected, the most extreme anti-union forces in the country will be running the federal government.

Biden has been a disappointment on many fronts, including the fact that on his watch U.S. Citizenship and Immigration Services has initiated the layoff of hundreds of UE members at service centers in three states. However, his National Labor Relations Board has been the most worker-friendly board in decades. His administration’s economic policy has helped maintain the low unemployment that has given workers the confidence to take on their employers in a more militant way. While Harris has little in the way of a record to judge her on, if elected we can reasonably expect her to continue to appoint pro-worker members to the NLRB and judges who are less overtly hostile to worker interests.

We therefore reaffirm, as we stated in June, our belief that “[a] second Trump presidency would make it far more difficult to organize — and to build the labor party we need and deserve.” We also reaffirm our recommendation that workers strategically vote against Trump by voting for the only viable candidate running against him — which is now Kamala Harris. We encourage our locals and members to have conversations about the real dangers that a second Trump presidency poses to labor, and to ensure that UE members are educated about the issues and registered to vote.

However, we recognize that, in the long run, merely voting for the lesser of two evils is incapable of producing any kind of positive good for working people. Working people need an independent political organization to fight for our interests against the corrupt two-party system, and we call upon our locals and members, the rest of the labor movement, and our allies in other social movements to get serious about building a true political alternative, a labor party that can unite and speak for the working class.

The post UE: The Path Forward for Working People in the 2024 Elections and Beyond first appeared on Trabajo De Hoy.